It is February 2026, and four years have passed since the war between Ukraine and Russia began in 2022. I would have preferred to write that Europe’s period under the shadow of war is coming to an end; however, what exists instead is a fragile and feeble negotiation process. There is not even a publicly announced framework for a peace plan. As time passes, the humanitarian, economic, and geopolitical costs created by the war in Ukraine continue to grow.
Despite tariff shocks, supply-chain fragmentation, and geopolitical uncertainty, India enters 2026 as
an “anchor economy” of the Global South—combining steady growth forecasts with a widening
industrial base in electronics, a more innovation-centered FDI narrative, and an accelerating AI and
green-energy agenda.
The EU’s SAFE (Strategic Technologies for Europe Platform)¹ initiative promises substantial funding for strengthening Europe’s defence industrial base. However, participation in SAFE cannot come at the expense of Türkiye’s strategic interests, especially given politicization attempts by Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration (GCA; i.e. Southern part of the island of Cyprus).
Every 10 November, Türkiye pauses at 09:05 to commemorate the passing of Gazi Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the founder of the Republic of Türkiye. Eighty-seven years after his death, his ideas, leadership style and statecraft remain strikingly relevant—not only for Türkiye, but for a world once again drifting into geopolitical turbulence.
The Turkish Petroleum Corporation’s (TPAO) international subsidiary, Turkish Petroleum Overseas Company (TPOC), will participate in offshore oil and natural gas exploration in Pakistan’s Northern Indus C Offshore Basin located in the Indian Ocean.
Development of domestic technology is an important feature for technological sovereignty. This is particularly the case for Deeptech. Deeptech refers to innovations rooted in breakthrough science and engineering — including quantum computing, advanced materials, robotics, artificial intelligence, synthetic biology, and clean-energy technologies.
India today finds itself at the intersection of multiple geopolitical currents. Its active engagement in both the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the BRICS group reflects its desire to balance great power politics with the imperatives of economic growth and regional stability. While the SCO and BRICS are often mentioned together as vehicles of the 'non-Western' or 'Global South' agenda, they are distinct in structure, scope, and purpose.
Nowhere is this more visible than in India’s active engagement with two seemingly divergent platforms: the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) and BRICS. While QUAD — comprising the United States, Japan, Australia, and India — is viewed as a response to China’s assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific, BRICS — a grouping of now 10 countries with Brazil, Russia, China, and South Africa as the original acronym, which now also includes Indonesia, Ethiopia, Iran, Egypt, and United Arab Emirates (UAE).
BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) emerged as a significant platform with the ambition of becoming the voice of rising powers in the global system, aiming in particular to highlight the demands of the Global South. However, it is evident that BRICS is still not a fully institutionalized international organization. It lacks a fixed headquarters, a permanent secretary-general, a binding founding charter, or clearly defined decision-making mechanisms
The economic development of the Gulf Region and Gulf countries over the last quarter century has been remarkable. Gulf countries have become major investors, buying famous European brands (such as football clubs in the Premier League or the Current 2025 UEFA Champions League Champions Paris Saint Germain, or other major companies).
Lately, all eyes were on South Asia, however it is still important for the business community in Turkiye and around the World, to follow the developments in South Asia and the Indian Ocean region, due to the importance for global trade and supply chains, as well as connectivity projects. Furthermore, India’s role for Africa and the Global South is an issue to follow closely for the future.
One of the economic and foreign policy objectives of Turkiye is the development of the Middle Corridor on the New Silk Road route and thus becoming a logistics base in the terrestrial East-West trade via Eurasia and being a center in the supply chain.
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