The tension between normative values and strategic interests has always been an interesting feature of international relations. Yet in recent years, this tension has become visible, shaped by great power competition, energy transitions, and the accelerating race for technological dominance. Against this backdrop, the recent normalization of relations between India and Canada offers a compelling case of how pragmatism is increasingly prevailing over principle in global diplomacy.
After more than two decades from the birth of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and later of the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP), its instrumental hand, and more than 28 CSDP missions enacting a variety of the Petersberg tasks (which somehow arbitrarily delimitate the scope of permissible crisis management actions), the European Union (EU) seems to have exhausted the high ambitions inserted in the Lisbon Treaty of becoming a world actor capable of a true external action.
While global attention remains focused on the wars in Ukraine and the escalating confrontation involving Iran in the Middle East, another strategic issue is quietly intensifying in the background: the fragility of global semiconductor supply chains.
At a time when international law has effectively ceased to exist, when the laws of war have disappeared, when the United Nations has been rendered practically defunct, and when immoral bandits can start major wars with the most shameless rhetoric—openly targeting and killing civilians and children—it is precisely the moment to republish an old article. So that we may better understand what the human being is, and what “civilization” is.
Water security in the Middle East has transcended its traditional boundaries as a sectoral infrastructure concern. Today, it represents a complex governance and security challenge shaped by the converging pressures of climate change, demographic shifts, rapid urbanisation, and geopolitical fragmentation. Understanding and addressing this challenge requires moving beyond siloed approaches to embrace the integrated perspective offered by the Water–Energy–Food (WEF) Nexus framework.
Water security in the Middle East has transcended its traditional boundaries as a sectoral infrastructure concern. Today, it represents a complex governance and security challenge shaped by the converging pressures of climate change, demographic shifts, rapid urbanisation, and geopolitical fragmentation. Understanding and addressing this challenge requires moving beyond siloed approaches to embrace the integrated perspective offered by the Water–Energy–Food (WEF) Nexus framework.
In February 2026, India’s space agency accelerated plans for its own national space station while simultaneously progressing a remarkable pipeline of nearly 80 satellites spanning Earth observation, navigation, disaster management, scientific research, and data relay for its human spaceflight agenda.
It is February 2026, and four years have passed since the war between Ukraine and Russia began in 2022. I would have preferred to write that Europe’s period under the shadow of war is coming to an end; however, what exists instead is a fragile and feeble negotiation process. There is not even a publicly announced framework for a peace plan. As time passes, the humanitarian, economic, and geopolitical costs created by the war in Ukraine continue to grow.
Until the early 20th century, global scholarship largely accepted that the roots of European languages lay in the Turkic or Turanian language family, in short, in Turkish. At the very least, the vast majority of scholars recognized and wrote about the deep Turkic influence in European languages going back thousands of years.
Between the sixth and tenth centuries, the Khazar Turkic Khaganate ruled over a vast territory in Eastern Europe and emerged as a great and powerful state that left a deep imprint on world history. It constituted the origin of the first Rus’ polity and of several other states. The roots of the Ashkenazi Jews—and indeed of all Jews of Eastern and Northern Europe—lie in Khazar Turkic society.
Despite tariff shocks, supply-chain fragmentation, and geopolitical uncertainty, India enters 2026 as
an “anchor economy” of the Global South—combining steady growth forecasts with a widening
industrial base in electronics, a more innovation-centered FDI narrative, and an accelerating AI and
green-energy agenda.
The "structural rivalry" between the United States and China has entered a period of tactical quiescence. While the leaders' summit held in Busan, South Korea, may appear on the surface to be a futile attempt at détente, the very fact that Trump was compelled to sit at the negotiating table can be read as a significant conjunctural victory for China.
Every 10 November, Türkiye pauses at 09:05 to commemorate the passing of Gazi Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the founder of the Republic of Türkiye. Eighty-seven years after his death, his ideas, leadership style and statecraft remain strikingly relevant—not only for Türkiye, but for a world once again drifting into geopolitical turbulence.
Today’s international system is neither fully unipolar nor genuinely multipolar. As Amitav
Acharya aptly puts it, it resembles a multi-room theatre more than a chessboard.
Following the end of the Cold War, Pax Americana established a US-led global order.
Washington set the rules through its political, economic, and military reach, while its allies-often enthusiastically—reinforced this architecture.
We are at the beginning of developments where the Metaverse environment, which brings together the virtual and real worlds, is becoming three-dimensional, and where studies in the field of cyber intelligence will provide intelligence platforms with vastly different functions, potentially revolutionizing our overall perspective on intelligence.
Turkey's ascent as a significant global player has been markedly evident in its strategic
engagement with Africa, particularly in the Horn of Africa. As a rising middle power, Turkey has expanded its influence through a comprehensive approach that includes diplomatic, economic, and military dimensions.
India today finds itself at the intersection of multiple geopolitical currents. Its active engagement in both the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the BRICS group reflects its desire to balance great power politics with the imperatives of economic growth and regional stability. While the SCO and BRICS are often mentioned together as vehicles of the 'non-Western' or 'Global South' agenda, they are distinct in structure, scope, and purpose.
This study aims to analyze Turkish military presence in Africa in its new roles as a peace and security provider. Türkiye's military presence in Africa has sparked debates regarding Türkiye's great power status and the underlying lofty ambitions, as well as the potential linkages with other patterns and out-of-area military operations.
In an age where every decision - operational, strategic, or customer-centric - is influenced by data, Data Governance has emerged as a critical discipline. Organisations worldwide collect, process, and store more information than ever while leveraging advanced analytics, machine learning, and AI to interpret these data streams.
Türkiye is becoming a key defense partner in Africa, offering affordable and effective support, but it must manage ethical and diplomatic challenges to sustain its role
Türkiye's relationship with the African continent has witnessed a notable escalation in recent years, commencing from the early 2000s.
This analysis compares two academic papers discussing various aspects of China’s ascent as a global power. The first study, by Zweig et al. (2020), examines the return of domestic talent to and from China, investigating obstacles encountered by overseas scholars upon re-integrating into domestic institutions.
Nowhere is this more visible than in India’s active engagement with two seemingly divergent platforms: the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) and BRICS. While QUAD — comprising the United States, Japan, Australia, and India — is viewed as a response to China’s assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific, BRICS — a grouping of now 10 countries with Brazil, Russia, China, and South Africa as the original acronym, which now also includes Indonesia, Ethiopia, Iran, Egypt, and United Arab Emirates (UAE).
Concentration of wealth and income inequality has been another reason for increasing discussion of Neomedievalism. Interruption of major chokepoints, significantly disturbed global trade, has also caused concerns of back-sliding into the pre-globalization land-based era; possibly a form of Neomedievalism. Global trade has been over the last decade shifting more towards on-land and region based trajectories.
This paper delves into details of the arguments surrounding the nomenclature “Sea of
Japan” which has been a source of contention between Japan, South Korea, and North
Korea. Beginning with analyzing the early origins of the nomenclature, the paper includes
studying various surveys of global antiquarian maps and international references to the “Sea
of Japan.
BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) emerged as a significant platform with the ambition of becoming the voice of rising powers in the global system, aiming in particular to highlight the demands of the Global South. However, it is evident that BRICS is still not a fully institutionalized international organization. It lacks a fixed headquarters, a permanent secretary-general, a binding founding charter, or clearly defined decision-making mechanisms
_page-0001_jpg_2025_22_7_f172f906-a809-4f20-853e-003307262d21.jpg "India Between QUAD and BRICS: Strategic Balance in a Multipolar World")
_jpeg_2025_22_12_b3702079-4965-4132-8c28-6f30c62c1513.jpeg "Defense, Security, and Intelligence Revolution: Technopolitics and Demopolitics")
