Wagner Group and Russian Hybrid War: Expectations and Limits

Comment

The physical elimination of Evgeni Prigozhin and the commandment of the Wagner Group opens the question of the further use of mercenaries, not only in Ukraine but in wider regional context. Designed as a non-conventional solution of ‘delicate’ tasks abroad, Wagner and its leader turned into a ‘delicate’ question of Russian internal politics....

The physical elimination of Evgeni Prigozhin and the commandment of the Wagner Group opens the question of the further use of mercenaries, not only in Ukraine but in wider regional context. Designed as a non-conventional solution of ‘delicate’ tasks abroad, Wagner and its leader turned into a ‘delicate’ question of Russian internal politics.

Russia’s war in Ukraine represents an attempt to reestablish Kremlin’s zone of influence in Eastern Europe or at least to stop the expansion of the Western one towards Russian core territory. The Kremlin perceives the War in Ukraine as a part of its major clash with the West and thus, apart from its kinetic intervention against Kiev, tries to stay active on another fronts, hoping that at least some of them will bring victory. One of them is Belarus, where the Wagner Group was dislocated after the aborted coup in June.

Until now, except from Ukraine, those are fronts of the hybrid war and thus the presence and possible activity of Wagner Group in Belarus does not constitute a direct military threat to Europe in terms of its classical understanding. Russia has strategically lost its war in Ukraine (no single strategic aim presented by Kremlin at the beginning has been reached and with every month of this war Moscow seems to move away from the optimal status quo even farer) and thus tries to compensate the fiasco of its conventional forces by intensification of the hybrid ones. That’s why, the nearer Moscow is in its acceptance of cease-fire negotiations with Ukraine and an official renunciation of the official aims of the post-imperial Reconquista, the more it will make-up its failure by asymmetric means. Those are, for example: the use of environmental warfare by blowing-up the the Kahovka dam, the grain blackmail, the maritime blockade and destruction of Ukraine port capacity, the next phase of a migratory assault on Polish and Lithuanian border, the deployment of nuclear forces in Belarus, and, recently, by moving there the Wagner Group. This situation, theoretically leaves an important role for the mercenaries to be used as a semi-official tool of Russian foreign policy or at least as a part of its negotiating position (Russia may try to ‘sell’ the deactivation of the Belorussian hybrid front for some gains on the Ukrainian one).

But its presence and pathetic declarations of “taking the Suwałki corridor“ or “going for a walk to Warsaw or Rzeszów (the last name refers to the south-eastern Polish town which is the main logistical hub for Ukraine’s military support) has propagandist objectives rather than military ones. It’s a part of Russian information war not the kinetic one. Technically, the Wagner Group is no kind of enemy for the Polish Armed Forces and any attempt to cross the border, not to say to effectuate an activity on Polish territory would end in its immediate annihilation (that’s why it didn’t and will never happen). The presence of Wagner in Belarus is a result of factors that have very little to do with Poland, Lithuania, Ukraine or Belarus itself, being a product of internal dynamics of Russian political cycle.

Firstly, after the aborted military coup, the extremally frightened Putin and his entourage had to move Wagner away from Moscow, before being able to eliminate or subordinate its commandment, but at the same time, they couldn’t harm the fragile stability of intra-Kremlin groups of influence. And here, the Belorussian option presented the most convenient solution, at least until the Kremlin feels strong enough to take revenge on Prigozhin personally (which already happened) and suppress the opposition of his sympathizers inside the armed forces (which, seemingly is actually happening with the dismissal of general Sergey Surovikin).

Secondly, the most evident Russian strategic failure in Ukraine is, the stronger is the propagandist need of keeping the image of Russian might existing and actual. The whole world may see how weak and humiliated it is, but inside, it has to remain active, strong and frightening. The closest and more inevitable the cease-fire in Ukraine is, the more Russian propaganda needs what is called ‘informative reasons’ – some facts that will make it possible to present to the internal auditorium the situation of a durable strategic collapse as a temporary tactical maneuver.

From the point of view of Russians, of whom, according to sociological surveys, 80% support the ‘special operation’, it is important to give sense to what happened during last 18 months, that is to say to cover the truth (Russia is weak, poor, instable, isolated and humiliated) by the imperial image. And, if European or American politicians fear the intrusion of the Wagner Group (at least they say so and this is what Russian tv channels can show), it means, that Russia still remains dangerous for its ‘main opponent’ (the USA) and what it calls its ‘chain dogs’ (Poland, Lithuania etc.). But this, once again, is an instrument of forming the internal situation in Russia and not its external (international) environment.
Last year, Russia tried to change the international reality around its borders by military means and as a result, the overall conclusion is that it would have better didn’t. If the professional army didn’t manage to maintain the image of the imperial glory, it is hardly imaginable, the pensioners from Wagner will, especially with their loyalty put into question. The elimination of Prigozhin and the expected extermination of its other members demonstrates, that from the point of view of the Kremlin, giving Wagner real military potential is more risky internally than it may be beneficial abroad.
This content is protected by Copyright under the Trademark Certificate. It may be partially quoted, provided that the source is cited, its link is given and the name and title of the editor/author (if any) is mentioned exactly the same. When these conditions are fulfilled, there is no need for additional permission. However, if the content is to be used entirely, it is absolutely necessary to obtain written permission from TASAM.

Areas

Continents ( 5 Fields )
Action
 Contents ( 487 ) Actiivities ( 223 )
Areas
TASAM Africa 0 153
TASAM Asia 0 244
TASAM Europe 0 44
TASAM Latin America & Carribea... 0 34
TASAM North America 0 12
Regions ( 4 Fields )
Action
 Contents ( 182 ) Actiivities ( 56 )
Areas
TASAM Balkans 0 95
TASAM Middle East 0 64
TASAM Black Sea and Caucasus 0 16
TASAM Mediterranean 0 7
Identity Fields ( 2 Fields )
Action
 Contents ( 176 ) Actiivities ( 75 )
Areas
TASAM Islamic World 0 147
TASAM Turkic World 0 29
TASAM Türkiye ( 1 Fields )
Action
 Contents ( 234 ) Actiivities ( 61 )
Areas
TASAM Türkiye 0 234

Water security in the Middle East has transcended its traditional boundaries as a sectoral infrastructure concern. Today, it represents a complex governance and security challenge shaped by the converging pressures of climate change, demographic shifts, rapid urbanisation, and geopolitical fragmenta...;

Water security in the Middle East has transcended its traditional boundaries as a sectoral infrastructure concern. Today, it represents a complex governance and security challenge shaped by the converging pressures of climate change, demographic shifts, rapid urbanisation, and geopolitical fragmenta...;

Until the early 20th century, global scholarship largely accepted that the roots of European languages lay in the Turkic or Turanian language family, in short, in Turkish. At the very least, the vast majority of scholars recognized and wrote about the deep Turkic influence in European languages goin...;

Between the sixth and tenth centuries, the Khazar Turkic Khaganate ruled over a vast territory in Eastern Europe and emerged as a great and powerful state that left a deep imprint on world history. It constituted the origin of the first Rus’ polity and of several other states. The roots of the Ashke...;

The 7th Marine and Maritime Security Forum, with the main theme of "Turkish Naval Power from Seas to Oceans," was jointly organized by TASAM National Defence and Security Institute as a co-event of the 11th Istanbul Security Conference, held on November 27, 2025, at the Wish More Hotel Istanbul.;

The 4th Istanbul Cyber-Securty Forum, with the main theme of “Artificial Intelligence, Quantum Revolution and Cyber-Türkiye”, was jointly held by TASAM National Defence and Security Institute as a co-event of the 11th Istanbul Security Conference, on November 27, 2025, at the Wish More Hotel Istanbu...;

9th Türkiye - Gulf Defence and Security Forum; Held as a side event to the 11th Istanbul Security Conference organized by the TASAM National Defence and Security Institute on November 28, 2025, at the Wish More Hotel Istanbul, with the main theme of "Trade Corridor Security and Türkiye." Speaker...;

The "structural rivalry" between the United States and China has entered a period of tactical quiescence. While the leaders' summit held in Busan, South Korea, may appear on the surface to be a futile attempt at détente, the very fact that Trump was compelled to sit at the negotiating table can be r...;

East Mediterranean Program 2023-2025

  • 17 Jul 2023 - 19 Jul 2023
  • Sheraton Istanbul City Center -
  • İstanbul - Türkiye

6th Türkiye - Gulf Defence And Securıty Forum

  • 04 Nov 2022 - 04 Nov 2022
  • Ramada Hotel & Suites by Wyndham İstanbul Merter -
  • İstanbul - Türkiye

5th Türkiye - Africa Defence Security and Aerospace Forum

  • 04 Nov 2022 - 04 Nov 2022
  • Ramada Hotel & Suites by Wyndham İstanbul Merter -
  • İstanbul - Türkiye

4th Marine and Maritıme Security Forum 2022

  • 03 Nov 2022 - 03 Nov 2022
  • Ramada Hotel & Suites by Wyndham İstanbul Merter -
  • İstanbul - Türkiye