An Eventful Process: The Georgian Case of Democratisation

Article

Following the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, the three Caucasian countries Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia underwent an eventful process of democratization. Of the three, Georgia’s journey to Western-style democracy has witnessed civil uprisings, revolution, corruption, judicial reforms, and military occupation....

Zeki AYDIN

Abstract

Following the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, the three Caucasian countries Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia underwent an eventful process of democratization. Of the three, Georgia’s journey to Western-style democracy has witnessed civil uprisings, revolution, corruption, judicial reforms, and military occupation. The rather cyclical nature of the Georgian process of democratization essentially begins with the transformation of a pro-Russian government to a pro-Western one, following the forceful resignation of president Shevardnadze from office in 2003 due to the bloodless Rose Revolution. The next two decades of Georgian politics essentially witness closer ties with the West, as well as aggression from Russia, unsuccessful judicial reforms, increasing corruption, civil unrest, diminishing freedoms, and finally, a promising constitutional amendment. This paper aims to demonstrate the underlying causes of the scarcity of democracy in Georgia after 1991, as well as project the possible changes in the near future. To what extent this constitutional amendment will suffice for the establishment of democracy in Georgia is a matter of to what extent it is intended to be implied and enforced.

Introduction

A Caucasian country with a population of just over three million, Georgia has been undergoing a period of democratization since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. The country in question has been a part of the Eastern Bloc since 1922, playing a fundamental role in the Caucasus alongside two other ex-Soviet states, Armenia and Azerbaijan. The fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 initiated a massive period of transformation in these three countries, especially in terms of the political system, economics, and state-building. Georgia’s democratization process has had various checkpoints during the last three decades, which are the main points discussed throughout the following pages. Regardless, understanding the political scope of Georgia necessitates an introduction to the geopolitics of the region.

The Caucasus also referred to as Caucasia, is a mountainous region between the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea, with a total population of over seventeen million people as of 2021, consisting of Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan, alongside parts of southern Russia and north-eastern part of Turkey. The region is geographically depicted in Figure 1. According to statistics from The World Bank, the GDP of these three Caucasian countries is 18.7 billion USD$, 13.9 billion USD$, and 54.6 billion USD$, respectively. Politically, the histories of all three countries share similar elements, as between 1922 and 1991 they all experienced Soviet dominance to different extents and forms.

A New Era: Fall of the Soviet Union

The fall of the Soviet Union triggered major political changes in the Caucasus, especially in terms of international relations. The driving force behind this change is essentially the intervention of the US into the region politically, economically, and militarily (Nichol, 2014). All three countries, especially since the beginning of the 21st century, have been influenced by the US in one way or another. The dissolution of the USSR ultimately ignited a change in the bipolar world order, with the US taking the upper hand. Regardless, in the first decade of the fall of the USSR, the US managed to maintain a relatively positive and cooperative relationship with the USSR's successor state, Russia. Due to unsuccessful interventionist foreign policies in the 1970s and 1980s, especially after the Vietnam War, the US abandoned its interventionist policies. This relatively passive foreign policy approach of the US fundamentally eased the relation-building process with Russia, for whom organizations such as NATO and the EU constituted tension in previous decades. Thus, the two rivals of the bipolar world order made a good start to the new unipolar world.

This content is protected by Copyright under the Trademark Certificate. It may be partially quoted, provided that the source is cited, its link is given and the name and title of the editor/author (if any) is mentioned exactly the same. When these conditions are fulfilled, there is no need for additional permission. However, if the content is to be used entirely, it is absolutely necessary to obtain written permission from TASAM.

Areas

Continents ( 5 Fields )
Action
 Contents ( 487 ) Actiivities ( 223 )
Areas
TASAM Africa 0 153
TASAM Asia 0 244
TASAM Europe 0 44
TASAM Latin America & Carribea... 0 34
TASAM North America 0 12
Regions ( 4 Fields )
Action
 Contents ( 182 ) Actiivities ( 56 )
Areas
TASAM Balkans 0 95
TASAM Middle East 0 64
TASAM Black Sea and Caucasus 0 16
TASAM Mediterranean 0 7
Identity Fields ( 2 Fields )
Action
 Contents ( 176 ) Actiivities ( 75 )
Areas
TASAM Islamic World 0 147
TASAM Turkic World 0 29
TASAM Türkiye ( 1 Fields )
Action
 Contents ( 234 ) Actiivities ( 62 )
Areas
TASAM Türkiye 0 234

The Arctic is increasingly becoming a laboratory for the interaction between sanctions, energy security, maritime logistics and great-power competition. One of the clearest examples is the emerging China-Russia Arctic LNG relationship. Western sanctions have sharply constrained Russia’s Arctic LNG 2...;

In recent years, the Arctic has become a central arena not only in the context of climate change, melting sea ice, and new maritime routes, but also in terms of energy geopolitics and great-power competition. One of the most striking examples of this transformation is China-Russia;

South Korea’s preparations to conduct its first container trial voyage via Russia’s Northern Sea Route (NSR) in 2026 mark a new phase in discussions about the future of the Arctic. The Seoul government plans to send a container ship with a capacity of approximately 3,000 TEU from Busan to Rotterdam ...;

The implementation of comprehensive structural reforms in complex post-conflict societies, such as Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), is systematically impeded by chronic political stalemates and the historical failure of rigid, "all-or-nothing" statebuilding paradigms. ;

At first glance, a high-level delegation from the Chinese navy visiting Russia’s Northern Fleet in Murmansk might seem like a routine military contact. However, this visit is significant in that it highlights the slowly shifting balances in the Arctic. This is because the region is now associated no...;

I selected 1000 ancient, basic words, including the 207−word Swadesh list. I found a 38.3% degree of commonality between Turkish and Russian. When only the words in the Swadesh list are taken as the basis, the rate of commonality rises to 45.4%. I identified and recorded close and striking similarit...;

Overview Türkiye occupies a strategic position at the crossroads of major energy-producing regions—the Caspian Basin, the Middle East, and Russia—and energy-consuming markets in Europe. This geographic advantage gives Türkiye a potentially important role as both a transit corridor and an emerging...;

Between the sixth and tenth centuries, the Khazar Turkic Khaganate ruled over a vast territory in Eastern Europe and emerged as a great and powerful state that left a deep imprint on world history. It constituted the origin of the first Rus’ polity and of several other states. The roots of the Ashke...;

9th Türkiye - Gulf Defence and Security Forum

  • 27 Nov 2025 - 28 Nov 2025
  • Wish More Hotel Istanbul -
  • İstanbul -

1st Asia Anew Security Forum

  • 21 Nov 2024 - 22 Nov 2024
  • İstanbul - Türkiye

East Mediterranean Program 2023-2025

  • 17 Jul 2023 - 19 Jul 2023
  • Sheraton Istanbul City Center -
  • İstanbul - Türkiye

5th Marine and Maritime Security Forum

  • 23 Nov 2023 - 24 Nov 2023
  • Istanbul Kent University Kağıthane Campus -
  • İstanbul - Türkiye

2nd Istanbul Cyber-Security Forum

  • 23 Nov 2023 - 24 Nov 2023
  • Istanbul Kent University Kağıthane Campus -
  • İstanbul - Türkiye

7th Türkiye - Gulf Defence and Security Forum

  • 23 Nov 2023 - 24 Nov 2023
  • Istanbul Kent University Kağıthane Campus -
  • İstanbul - Türkiye

6th Türkiye - Africa Defence Security and Aerospace Forum

  • 23 Nov 2023 - 24 Nov 2023
  • Istanbul Kent University Kağıthane Campus -
  • İstanbul - Türkiye